Since the election of Donald Trump last year, US Tech Companies have been scrambling to get on the incoming president’s good side, with companies like Microsoft, Google, Meta and Amazon donating millions of dollars to his inauguration.
At surface level, this might be surprising, considering that for Trump’s first term, most of these organisations were neutral or hostile to Trump’s policies. At the time, Trump’s election was considered by some an aberration, a fluke of the electoral college – there was no possible way that his xenophobic and popularist policies would be representative of the real mood of the nation. He did lose the popular vote, after all, and the Senate was close enough to a 50:50 split. Thus, companies continued to pursue the relatively progressive policies from the Obama administrations, happy to promote equality for workers and advocate for LGBTQ+ individuals, non-binary and gender non-conforming people, as well as other marginalised groups.
During the past eight years, there have been some changes from the other side of the pond. The EU, long a regulatory giant overseeing a market of nearly a half billion people, legislated a series of ground-breaking acts including the General Data Protection Regulation (2018), the Digital Services Act (2022), the Digital Markets Act (2022), and the Artificial Intelligence Act (2024). These laws aim to protect consumer rights, curb monopolistic practices, and ensure ethical AI development.
When these acts were enforced, their reach is often considered global. Simplistically, this is for two reasons: Firstly, these pieces of legislation are applied with respect to European Union citizens, not just the people within the nations which comprise the EU itself. If an EU citizen is travelling to or living in, for instance, New Zealand, these acts will still apply. Secondly, the protections granted are very popular with people of not just EU citizens, but with other nations as well. The GDPR, for instance, has been used as a cornerstone for other regions like the UK, California, Japan, Brazil, etc. Worldwide adoption of EU law has been coined as The Brussels Effect.
Enforcement of these acts has cost Meta hundreds of millions of euros for breaches of the Digital Markets Act (DMA), Apple has lost their monopoly of the App Store on their devices and Microsoft has been forced to unbundle a great deal of their services to allow competition. Any objective analysis would conclude that this has been a good thing for consumers.
During the creation of these acts, most recently the AI Act, tech giants which have substantial footprints in the EU, negotiated with lawmakers to try and find a middle ground that would balance continued innovation whilst protecting individual rights and freedoms.
Even so and despite this, companies like X and Meta have so detested this new regulatory landscape that they are now looking to far-right political groups in the EU and U.S. in an attempt to push policy in the other direction. Mark Zuckerberg is directly pushing the new administration to stop the EU from fining U.S. Companies and Elon Musk’s campaigning for Donald Trump, his support for the Reform Party in the UK, and his backing of figures like Tommy Robinson and parties such as the AfD in Germany underline attempts to align with nationalist agendas. These efforts are reportedly aimed at fostering a political climate resistant to perceived EU regulatory overreach. For instance, Musk’s remarks in support of the AfD highlight his preference for decentralising EU authority, while his support for Reform Party campaigns ties into broader opposition to EU innovation and technology laws, many of which remain part of the UK’s Retained EU Law following Brexit. This alignment appears to seek either significant revisions of EU frameworks or, in extreme cases, movements toward EU withdrawal where feasible.
At the same time, China’s Bytedance TikTok service is positioned to be shut down in the US on the 19th of January as a result of a recently passed law, signed by Joe Biden. This has been enacted on the basis of national security, citing concerns over user data being passed to Chinese authorities. However, many critics argue that the move is equally motivated by the platform’s growing threat to the market share of Instagram and YouTube, owned by Meta and Alphabet respectively.
Hypocritically, while the U.S. government justifies banning TikTok under the guise of protecting citizen data, it continues to allow unfettered access for U.S. companies to harvest and process EU citizens’ data. This double standard becomes even more glaring when considering how the EU’s GDPR strictly regulates the flow of its citizens’ data, while the U.S. lacks comparable federal legislation for its own population. This is, of course, by design as the U.S. continues to value a perceived innovation at the expense of privacy.
To deepen the irony, Meta’s lobbying efforts in the EU include resistance to stricter privacy rules under the Digital Services Act, yet these same companies rally behind national security arguments in the U.S. to curb competition. Such selective enforcement reveals a pattern of technological protectionism masquerading as ethical governance. This inconsistency undermines the credibility of U.S. tech policy on the global stage, calling into question its motives and long-term objectives.
This new alignment between tech companies, specifically Meta and X, and the far right has now extended to the workplace at Meta, where progressive policies of inclusiveness are being withdrawn and DEI practices removed. For consumers of Meta’s services, in an abhorrent move, LGBTQ+ themes have been removed and it is now permissible to call members of those groups of people “mentally ill”. The consequences of these moves will be seen moving forward but it is likely that between the new content moderation system and these new changes, there may be a steady outstream of users, but like Twitter, may continue to remain a platform for those who either agree or are agnostic towards the changes. It remains to be seen whether this partnership of convenience with right-wing parties will be durable enough to overcome the ideological divides between the globalist ambitions of tech leaders and the nationalist priorities of far-right movements.
We have entered a new era of technological protectionism whose consequences may result in direct harm towards other areas of the transatlantic partnership. It would not be surprising to see efforts align against EU oversight which could influence policies into other areas of trade, which could (speculatively) manifest into tariffs or other limitations.
To defend against this, the EU and it’s member states need to coalesce around it’s passed regulations and reaffirm it’s citizens’ rights to privacy and freedom.
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